Sunday, May 31, 2020

Mt. Pleasant C.C.C. Camp

The CCC was part of Roosevelt's New Deal "first 100 days effort" to pull the United States out of the ongoing Great Depression that followed the stock market crash of 1929. An estimated 16 million Americans were unemployed, including 5 million to 7 million young men in the 16-25 age group.Utah was particularly hard-hit by the depression, with its annual per capita income of $300 - only 80 percent of the national average. Almost 36 percent of the state's work force was idle.
Deseret News August 8, 1985

Saturday, May 30, 2020

Sarah Elizabeth Reynolds McClenahan


Sarah Elizabeth Reynolds McClenahan 



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Obituary
 James Kemp McClenahan

















Thursday, May 28, 2020

Mt. Pleasant Troy Steam Laundry






Modern Day Steam Laundry
(YouTube) 

skip adds 




The following is taken from:



A history of the development of the steam laundry industry from the first commercial laundries in the 1840s to their decline in the 1930s. Historian Arwen Mohun argues that the trajectory was shaped within the constraints of what was technologically possible and culturally acceptable. Rising standards of cleanliness, new kinds of machinery, and an increasingly polluted urban environment provided the context for the industry's emergence. The shortcomings of applying factory methods to washing clothes, increased regulation, and rising costs of labour encouraged consumers to abandon laundries for newly available alternatives - electric washing machines and irons - a century later. By comparing this process in Britain and the USA, Mohun reveals differences created by culture, regulation, and social structures. She also shows the unexpected transatlantic character of this seemingly localized kind of business. The text tells the stories of people: exploited but fiesty laundryworkers and the work culture they created; would-be entrepreneurs seeking easy success but finding instead imperfect technology; narrow profit margins, and unco-operative consumers; and reformers who entered laundries in the guise of workers, later using that experience of heat, monotony and danger to argue for regulation. This is a study of the technological, cultural, business and labour dimensions of an important and virtually unstudied industry.

Monday, May 25, 2020

Happy Memorial Day ~~~ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS

Memorial Day

From Decoration Day to Memorial Day

The following is a guest post by Jan Grenci, Reference Specialist, Prints and Photographs Division
Memorial Day is now observed on the last Monday in May to honor all those who have died in service while defending the United States. But the name, meaning and timing of this special day have changed over the years. Images reflect both the changes and the continuities.
The precise origins of Decoration Day, as it was first known, are hard to pin down. A number of cities and towns claim to be the birthplace of the holiday. One fact not in dispute is that in 1868 General John A. Logan, the commander of the Grand Army of the Republic, declared that Decoration Day be observed on May 30th. Civil War soldiers’ graves were to be decorated with flowers on this day.
In this early poster from the Prints and Photographs Division, from the 1890’s, artist Charles Cox pairs cyclists competing in a Decoration Day race with marching soldiers and veterans.
Bearing's Decoration Day Cycle Races. Poster by Charles A. Cox, 1890s. //hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/cph.3g03037
Bearing’s Decoration Day Cycle Races. Poster by Charles A. Cox, 1890s. //hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/cph.3g03037
Over time, the holiday changed. By the late 19th century, the day was more commonly referred to as Memorial Day. As the United States became involved in World War I, the day evolved to honor the dead of all American wars.
This poster from 1917 shows the name change and honors the memory of the dead from the American Revolution, the War of 1812, the Mexican-American War, the Civil War, and the Spanish-American War.
Honor the brave Memorial Day, May 30, 1917. Poster, 1917. //hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/cph.3g08122
Honor the Brave Memorial Day, May 30, 1917. Poster, 1917. //hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/cph.3g08122
Memorial Day observations have come to include parades, speeches, and services at the Tomb of the Unknowns at Arlington National Cemetery.
President Coolidge pays homage to Unknown Soldier... Photo by Harris & Ewing, 1927 May 30. //hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/hec.34487
President Coolidge pays homage to Unknown Soldier… Photo by Harris & Ewing, 1927 May 30. //hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/hec.34487
But the long-standing tradition of decorating the graves of the fallen with flowers and flags continues to this day.
Arlington Cemetery, Arlington, Virginia... Photo by Esther Bubley, 1943 May. //hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/cph.3c31718
Arlington Cemetery, Arlington, Virginia… Photo by Esther Bubley, 1943 May. //hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/cph.3c31718
Memorial Day at Arlington National Cemetery in Virginia. Photo by Carol M. Highsmith, between 1980 and 2006. //hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/highsm.12645
Memorial Day at Arlington National Cemetery in Virginia. Photo by Carol M. Highsmith, between 1980 and 2006. //hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/highsm.12645

Sunday, May 24, 2020

James Russell Ivie ~ Eliza McKee Faucett Ivie


James Russell Ivie

Eliza McKee Faucett Ivie




CHILDREN


Richard Anderson Ivie
William Franklin Ivie
Sarah A Ivie
James Alexander Ivie
John Lehi Ivie
Polly Ann Ivie
Elizabeth Caroline Ivie
Joseph Orson Ivie   (11yrs)
Eliza Marie Ivie
Mari Betsy Ivie      (0yrs)
Isaac Thomas Ivie
Benjamin Martin Ivie
Hyrum Lewis Ivie
Heber Kimball Ivie
Martha Adeline Ivie (12yrs)

1825 - 1892
1826 - 1880
1829 - 1890
1830 - 1906
1833 - 1909
1835 - 1896
1837 - 1901
1840 - 1851
1842 - 1920
1842 - 1842
1844 - 1906
1846 - 1926
1849 - 1927
1852 - 1923
1855 - 1867
The Following Comes From Mount Pleasant History by Hilda Madsen Longsdorf:

After the burning of Hambleton Settlement, nothing was done so far as it is known towards re-establishing a settlement on Pleas­ant Creek, until about the middle of August, 1858, shortly after the arrival at Ephraim of the Big Move Caravan; James R. Ivie, Sr., Benjamin E. Clapp, Joseph R. Clement, Isaac Allred, Sr., Reuben W. Allred and Richard Ivie who were chosen at Fort Ephraim as an exploring committee to select a suitable location for a new settlement in the northern part of the valley, decided upon a site on

 Pleasant Creek. They returned to Fort Ephraim and stated their 

views to the immigrants and others, who had reached Fort Ephraim 

to remain over the winter.


A meeting was called and a petition was drafted, signed by sixty men who were desirous of locating farther north at the site selected. Not knowing just how to proceed or what to do, a meet­ing was called for the purpose of discussing necessary procedures. After some deliberations, James R. Ivie Sr., Joseph R. Clement, and Isaac Allred were chosen as a committee to wait upon Presi­dent Brigham Young in order to obtain his advice. Afterwards, however, it was deemed best for James Allred and James R. Ivie Sr. personally to present the petition. Leaving Fort Ephraim September 2nd, they arrived in Great Salt Lake City on September 6th. There they met Elder Orson Hyde on the street and at once stated the purpose of their visit. He kindly escorted them to Pres. Brigham Young's office. After considering the petition, President Young expressed himself as perfectly in favor of the new settle­ment. James R. Ivie stated that the petitioners were desirous that he, President Young, appoint men to take the lead. President Young, however, was not desirous of choosing their leaders or bishop at that time, and drafted the following letter which was sent back with the committee and presented to the petitioners: "Great Salt Lake City, Sept. 6, 1858.
"Brother John Reese and the rest of
the brethren whose names are on the list:
"In am perfectly willing that you should go there (Pleasant Creek) and make a settlement, but you must consider whether it will be safe or not. You wish to know my mind on the subject. It is this, that you must build you a good substantial fort and live in it, use every precaution that is necessary against the Indians. Your fort must be twelve feet high and four feet thick, built either of stone or adobe and laid in lime mortar. I also want you to select one of your number for president and one for bishop. You will have to be very careful of your stock or you will lose them. In choosing your farming land get it as nearly together as possible.

A meeting was called and a petition was drafted, signed by sixty men who were desirous of locating farther north at the site selected. Not knowing just how to proceed or what to do, a meet­ing was called for the purpose of discussing necessary procedures. After some deliberations, James R. Ivie Sr., Joseph R. Clement, and Isaac Allred were chosen as a committee to wait upon Presi­dent Brigham Young in order to obtain his advice. Afterwards, however, it was deemed best for James Allred and James R. Ivie Sr. personally to present the petition. Leaving Fort Ephraim September 2nd, they arrived in Great Salt Lake City on September 6th. There they met Elder Orson Hyde on the street and at once stated the purpose of their visit. He kindly escorted them to Pres. Brigham Young's office. After considering the petition, President Young expressed himself as perfectly in favor of the new settle­ment. James R. Ivie stated that the petitioners were desirous that he, President Young, appoint men to take the lead. President Young, however, was not desirous of choosing their leaders or bishop at that time, and drafted the following letter which was sent back with the committee and presented to the petitioners: "Great Salt Lake City, Sept. 6, 1858.
"Brother John Reese and the rest of
the brethren whose names are on the list:


"I am perfectly willing that you should go there (Pleasant Creek) and make a settlement, but you must consider whether it will be safe or not. You wish to know my mind on the subject. It is this, that you must build you a good substantial fort and live in it, use every precaution that is necessary against the Indians. Your fort must be twelve feet high and four feet thick, built either of stone or adobe and laid in lime mortar. I also want you to select one of your number for president and one for bishop. You will have to be very careful of your stock or you will lose them. In choosing your farming land get it as nearly together as possible."

June 20th, 1866, Indians under Chief Black Hawk made a raid on the stock of Scipio. During the skirmish Henry Wright and James R. Ivie, the father of Colonel J. L. Ivie, were killed. It will be remembered that in 1859 James R. Ivie had been chosen at Ephraim as leader for the company of pioneers who settled Mount Pleasant, and that he faithfully filled that position until W. S. Seeley was chosen bishop of the colony. A short time after the killing of Mr. Ivie, a son of Ivie, in retaliation for the killing of his father, killed a friendly Indian.  This enraged the Indians and they entered more vigorously in to the bloody work of massacre among the white settlers.



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Submitted by: Sharon Allred Jessop 06/08/1999
JAMES RUSSELL IVIE & ; WIFE ELIZA MCKEE FAUCETT

Born: December 30, 1802 Born: July 5, 1808
Died: June 10, 1866 Died: August 7, 1861

Sketch of Their Lives By Hettie M. Robins

There is documentary evidence that Ivye, Ivie, Ivy, and Ivey are all of the same family. At the time there were no dictionaries, and the art of spelling was not highly developed. We find that most of the Ivies in the Southern and Eastern states have settled on spelling the name Ivey. We find the Ivey name in the United States as early as 1700. In the Revolutionary War the names of six soldiers are listed from Virginia and nine from North Carolina. In the Civil War there were hundreds, some of them in almost every Southern state and, perhaps, some listed in the Northern States.

Records show a Thomas Ivye or Ivie lived in Gloucestershire, England, about 1425, also of Ives coming to the United States from England as early as 1700, or even before. The above is sort of introductory of the Ivie family, the family tree of which our early grandparents are a branch of James Russell, the son of John Anderson Ivie, who was the sone of Anderson Ivey.

James Russell Ivie, son of John Anderson Ivie and Sarah Allred, daughter of William & Elizabeth Thresher, of North Carolina was born in Franklin County, Georgia, December 8, 1902. He was the second of nine children born to this union.

James Russell married Eliza McKee Faucett. She was born July 5, 1808, at West Columbia, Nuary County, Tennessee, to Richard Faucett and Mary McKee. There were married about June 1824. The location of their marriage is not definitely known, though the belief is that it may have been in Tennessee, since that is where they were living at the time, and their first three children were born, it is evident that they were moving from state to state - - going further west. The family spent from 1830 to 1844 in the State of Missouri, living in Paris, West Paris, and Caldwell Counties. They moved, then, to Council Bluffs, Pottowatamie County, Missouri, where their 11th child was born in 1846. From there they moved to Salt Lake City, where another child was born, and then to Provo, where the next child was born. Thirteen children in all were born to this union.

It was in the early 1830's in Missouri, that the Mormon Missionaries came to the areas in Missouri where the Ivies lived. Parley P. Pratt was one of the elders who came so often to their homes. It was he who brought the Book of Mormon to them and taught them the gospel, which converted them. He also helped to baptize them as members of the Church of Latter-Day Saints. Thereafter, their homes were always homes for the traveling missionaries.

I would like to relate an instance the Great Grandfather told us - - not just once, but many times.

I t happened some years after the Ivies had joined the Church. It was in November 1839, while the Elders were out preaching the Gospel that they were seized and put in prison without a hearing, or a trial. They were held prisoners from November 1839 to July 1940. Among them were Elder Parley P. Pratt, Elder Phelps, and others. The saints had planned a way of freeing the last three missionaries held prisoners. They had been changed from one prison to another during the seven months of confinement. At this time they were in Columbus, Missouri. The plan was worked out as Orson, brother of Parley P. Pratt, and others, had planned it, and happened on the eve of Independence day. The three prisoners, when their evening meal was served, crowded through the door and managed to evade bullets fired at them, and, upon reaching the three horses, brought for them by their brethren, were helped to mount and advised to separate, each going in a different direction, then, to hide themselves, in a deep cave until dark. One of the three was captured and taken back to prison for a short time. Elder Phelps managed to make his escape and reach Illinois, several days later. Elder Pratt was less fortunate and, apparently, headed off in another direction. Finally he made for a vast forest of trees, making his was some distance from his horse to await darkness. He climbed into a huge tree, laid his legs outstretched on top of the branches, locked his arms around two other limbs and, in this way, could not be so easily observed, had anyone come his way. After darkness, when he could no longer hear voices, he came down from his hiding place in the tree and went in search of his horse, which had broken loose and left him to make his way on foot.

On the third day of his escape he found himself in a neighborhood of settlers where he had had some acquaintances years previously, and where once there had been a small branch of the church; but, the saints had moved west, having been driven out of the state with other members of their faith. Elder Pratt remembered there were families of Ivies who had lived on the road, and in some clearing in the timber; so, he decided to make his way to them, and told us, in his own works as follows:

Quote: “ I was not sure if they were still friendly with the church, or if they had turned from it to avoid violence and being driven out. I hesitated, then decided to ask help from my Father in Heaven. I arose to my feet feeling much better. I asked in my prayers, that as I passed by the house, if they were still my friends, I would be recognized - - if not, that I might pass peaceably by. As I walked past their home that Sunday evening, about two hours before sundown, I got nearly by when the children playing in the front yard discovered me and cried out with surprise and much joy: “ There is Brother Pratt.” At this, a young man came running out to me who proved to be one of my acquaintances, still a member of the church, and who had been driven with others from the upper valley. Instead of going to Illinois, he had come back to his old neighborhood. I asked about Mr. Ivy and he said that he and his wife had gone to a neighbor’s home two or three miles away. He said “I am here on a visit.” He also advised that they had just received the news of my escape and were sending out warnings to be on the lookout. I told him of my plight. I was hungry and faint and my feet were covered with blisters. He told me of his brother’s wives and children who were also driven out of upper valley and were living in an obscure place in the woods, while the young man went in to see if it was all right. He came back with milk, cream, and bread. I ate of this and then went to the house. The wife said her husband would soon be home. I told her I was in constant fear of being found. She instructed the children not to say one word if anyone came, but to act like I was a total stranger. It was well she did, for just then a man came inquiring for her husband. She told him he was away and to come back but he said it was a matter of business he wanted to see her husband about and would wait. After an hour the dog barked and they knew her husband was returning. The children rushed out to see their father, and to tell him not to recognize me, as there was a strange young man there to see him. As he came in he gave me a cold look and a “howdy stranger, “ and turned to the other fellow. He was quite friendly with him. The young fellow told the man of the house he had some business with him and would he step out for awhile. He had come to borrow his saddle. As soon as he had gone the man of the house came in and threw his arms around my neck and welcomed me to his house. We ate supper and I asked if he would exchange hats with me as it had been winter when we were arrested. He gave me a hat that fully disguised me. The good wife made a lunch for me and Brother Ivie placed his wife’s saddle on her horse. After farewells to his wife and brother we were soon on our way. He went with me until I was safe - - way after midnight. He bade me God speed and returned to his family.” Unquote

This man and wife were James Russell Ivie and his wife, Eliza. I heard this story many times from Great Grandma and her son, Grandpa Ivie. Only, as I remember it, the side saddle and his horse got him well on his way, but the horse never found his way back.

I remember Grandmother telling: “I would go through the timber to a small spring for a pail of water. I was so frightened - - I could often hear the plaintiff cry of a panther or ‘panter’, as grandmother called it.

James Russell Ivie and Grandmother: Just where they met we don’t know. This is the tale she told, only it has lost its soft southern accent that was so pleasing in the way she would tell it: “I was milking my father’s cow one evening, the first time pop came a‘calling on me. He says, Eliza I’ve come a’ courting you. I looked up and there I saw a boy, plenty big enough to be wearing britches, and there he stood with a doe shirt on. I told him right out if I was to be his girl he better go home and ask his mother to make him some britches. The next time he came he wore britches.” (This was taken from Grandparents’ Martin and Martha Ivie’s family record.) His father John Anderson Ivie, owned a large tract of land, or plantation, and with 75 Negroes on it as slaves. When his son James Russell, and family left to join the saints to come west, his father gave him a little Negro boy. He was old enough to help Grandma with the smaller children. When they reached Omaha and near getting their outfits ready to start out, they were told not to burden themselves with extra mouths to feed, other than their families. So Grandpa, James Russell, gave the little boy his freedom and told him he could go to live with another family, or find his way back to his family. As they left, the little fellow cried and said, “Who will take of Missy, Betsy and Marie, I do love you Mama Ivie.” Both Grandmother and Grandfather loved the Negro boy and hated leaving him behind.

It was in the spring of 1848 in the month of May that the Ivies, James Russell, his wife and nine of their 11 children began plans for moving westward. Two of his sons were with the Mormon Battalion. Besides James Russell and family, two of his brothers, Thomas Isaac, or Kelton, and William Shelton, and families , got as far as Nerrion, Missouri, on their way to joint the wagon train which would have soon headed for the west (Utah). So they dropped out of the company. There was something about one of William’s girls marrying as a plural wife to a man by the name of Long. Both parents strongly opposed the marriage.

It was on the first of June 1948, that the Ivies left Elkhorn in the company of the saints - - 1,229 souls and 397 wagons, headed for the Great Salt Lake Valley. They were in Brigham Young’s second company. The Allred family, also, came at this time. Grandfather’s outfit was well equipped with a good wagon and teams. His son’s Richard’s wife, Elizabeth Dobson, was with them. The trip across the plains and mountains was made about the same as most of them in the company. Great Grandmother helped in cases of sickness and births in their company as well as others, where ever they were needed on their trip to Utah. The pioneers reached Great Salt Lake Valley about September 20, 1848. They must have spent the winter in Salt Lake City, for on February 25, 1849. Grandma gave birth to a son whom they called Hyrum Lewis Ivie. From Salt Lake City they went to what was then called Rhodes, or Roade Valley, and later called Provo Valley. Here another son was born, November 19, 1852. He was named Heber Charles Ivie. Their eighth child, a son, named Joseph Ivie died the year before in 1851. He was 11 years old at the time.

From Provo Valley some of the Ivie family went to Weber County to what is now Kamas. However, they weren’t satisfied with the outlook there, so they left and came to Mt. Pleasant. They had relatives there for a few years. During the time they were in Mt. Pleasant and the time they came to Round Valley (Scipio) in 1863, James Russell and some of his family and the Allred Family, made a trip to Rose Valley, Nevada, with the expectations of locating there. The Valley didn’t meet their expectations - - others having already located there. They came back to Scipio in the late spring of 1863. At that time the settlers were still in Graball or Robinville, where there was a branch of the church, the Ivies didn’t go there to make their home, but went a little further south, up the valley about two miles from Graball. This was where a little stream of water came from a small lake about seven or eight miles further south in the Valley. It separated into two streams. The west stream went by the settlers at Graball, the east stream just running to waste. It was on the east fork that James Russell and family stopped. It was known as Ivie Creek for years. Not long after this, President Young visited the people here, and advised them to locate closer together on a townsite in the Valley. It was called Rourl Valley, but later changed to Scipio.

The Ivies were the first to build homes on the new townsite. The first home built was a room put up of logs - - it was the old stable of the Joe Miller lot, built by William Franklin Ivie, a son of James Russell. His family lived there until he could get logs out to build a place for them to live in. This stable was used to keep a fine stallion in. He had it brought here with the livestock, horse and cattle. Grandfather James Russell built his home and they owned the old Joseph Stone lot - -it is on the northwest corner from the public square. In reading the record kept by the Branch Clerk, John Memmott, we find James Russell Ivie was interested both in his church and civil affairs. Both he and his son, William Franklin, were block teachers, and James Russell was President of the Field Committee, and Water Master. He was also very interested in education. He helped with the loan of his teams to move the log school house from Graball to the new homesite.

In the spring and summer of 1866 the Indians had become very hostile, and on the warpath; making raids on the stock owned by the settlers. A large band of Indians under Chief Black Hawk made a raid on a Sunday Morning, June 10, 1866, when Grandfather James Russell’s favorite milk cow was to freshen. Grandfather rose early and walked down to the pasture lands a little north and west of the settlement, in what was called the pond field. As he neared the spot where the cow was, he heard an Indian War Hoop and the people in town also heard it. They rushed out to look for Grandfather and found his body already pierced by several arrows. He was stripped of his clothing, all but his boots, as they were unable to get them off. The Indians made off with the cattle and horses owned by the families.

Both Grandparents had received their patriarchal blessings. I can remember so well, seeing dear little Grandma going to the old black box, or chest, as she called it. She would reach in, bring out her blessing, hand it to mother, and ask her to read it. It seemed such a source of strength and comfort to her in her last days. The one thing I remember in it, was that their posterity should be as Jacob’s of old, and as numerous as the sands of the sea. Of their 13 children, 12 grew to maturity, marrying, and are parents of large families. A host of grandchildren, some over 125 in number. I am happy to be counted among their great-grandchildren.

History obtained form Loya Moscon, 1888 E. Spring Creek Dr, Bountiful, Utah 84810

My records show that James Russell Ivie is the first born child of Anderson Ivie and Sarah Allred. James Anderson Ivie is the second child of James Russell and Sarah.

I have records of deeds and Anderson Ivie is the name shown on these. F.P.

Hettie M Robins gives us the following description of Eliza M Ivie’s last years.
“After the death of her husband, the care of Eliza fell on the shoulders of her son Martin and his wife, Martha Ivie. Her son moved a one-room log house onto his lot so his mother would be near them. When her son bought a larger home his mother was given a large sunny room to live in. I imagine I see it now with its fireplace and one or two pots hanging from hooks over the flames of coals. There was a very small cook stove in the corner. Her table was next to the fireplace. Just under the window was the large black box or chest that came across the plains with them. Next was the four-poster bed with rawhide stripes crisscrossed for slats or springs. The floor and hearth were scrubbed clean enough to eat on. White short curtains were at the windows The white cover on the black box and cover over the bed pillows all with knotted edging and made out of course white cotton yarn. I remember her telling everyone once that although she was dead and laid out of the cooling board, she said, "But I fooled them, I came back to life again because my mission on earth was not finished." She would sometimes get a little out-of-sorts at some of our pranks and say: "If you youngans  don't behave yourselves when I die I will come back and haunt ye."
"Both Grandparents had received their patriarchal blessings. I can remember so well, seeing dear little Grandma going to the old black box, or chest, as she called it. She would reach in, bring out her blessing, hand it to mother, and ask her to read it. It seemed such a source of strength and comfort to her in her last days. The one thing I remember in it, was that their posterity should be as Jacob's of old, and as numerous as the sands of the sea. Of their 13 children, 12 grew to maturity, marrying and are parents of large families. A host of grandchildren, some over 125 in number. I am happy to be counted among their great-grandchildren."

 

Thursday, May 21, 2020

TRIBUTE AND SKETCHES OF ANE MARIE SOPHIE CLAUSEN ~~~ HER MOTHER AND FATHER


This History is taken from the book "The Family History of William Bristol, Ane Marie Sophie Clausen, Joseph Cambron, and their Descendants ...... Written by Pat L. Sagers. 


TRIBUTE AND SKETCHES  OF ANNIE'S MOTHER AND FATHER
ANE MARIE SHOPHIE CLAWSON







Monday, May 18, 2020

Old North Ward Church ~~~ Alice Hafen Collection

In this photo you can see the Carnegie Library on the left and the Hamilton Elementary on the right.  Also  you can see the fire escape slide  coming off the school.  

I didn't realize the church was built that far south on the lot. 
I also didn't know of the annex behind the church. 




New Meeting House
January 4, 1865, a special meeting was called for the purpose of discussing ways and means of erecting the new meeting house, as the Social Hall was now too small and a larger place was needed to accommodate the people. It was proposed to erect a large meeting house in the center of the church block. (Location today at 75 South State Street). A resolution was adopted assessing each person over eighteen years of age $10.00. Besides, a property tax of three percent was levied upon the property. William S. Seeley, (the first Bishop and also Mayor), Amasa Scovil, Niels Rosenlof, and William F. Reynolds were appointed as a building committee. February 17th, a contract was let to James Hansen and Niels Ro­senlof to erect the building. It was to be of white adobe and was to be completed by May 1, 1866. The contract price was $14, ­000.


Work was at once begun, a good foundation laid, and the wall started, but on President Young's next visit, he told the people the building was too small and, consequently work was discontinued for the time being.

Two years later, August 16th, Paul Dehlin, Abraham Day, and Samuel S. Witten were appointed to supervise the building of the meeting house, on the foundation laid in 1867, at which time, on account of the trouble with the Indians, work was suspended. Ebbie Jessen took contract for the mason work for $800.00 and Erick Gunderson and Jacob Rolfson the carpenter work for $2,000.00 A poll tax of $10.00 for each man was paid towards it.

It might be interesting to know that at that time adobes were $10.00 per thousand, and freight on window glass was $25.00 cwt., from the Missouri River. At about this time some people became dissatisfied and apostatized from the church. The High Council, a quorum of twelve men, chosen by the church to settle difficulties among the Saints, was organized with Bishop Seeley as the president.
During the fall of 1871, the new meeting house was completed and dedicated. This new building furnished ample accommodations for church services. The building was of white adobes and faced the west with a fine pulpit in the east end of the room. Three large windows were on the north and the south and two on the west. One on each side of the door. Later there was a gallery built in the west end of the building with a stairway at the north side of the entrance.
The following is copied from the Minutes of the High Priest Quorum: "December 30, 1871, High Priests met in the New Meeting House. Several of the brethren spoke in Danish and several in English." During the past year the meetings had been held in the Fourth Ward schoolhouse and the Social Hall.


Taken From Hilda Madsen Longsdorf; "Book of Mt. Pleasant.

Sunday, May 17, 2020

Group Photo ~~~~ Unknown Occasion




Maybe someone out there can solve this photo mystery.

What was the occasion?
When did it take place?

There are a lot of Sanpete Names.


Wednesday, May 13, 2020

Historical Perspective

Grandma Alice was born in 1912.  
She told us about the Spanish Flu of 1919-20
and
How it affected her life and family
as well as every person who lived through those times. 
Oh the wisdom she had 
and the many experiences. 
She passed away at the age of 98 years.
~~~~~~~
NEW PERSPECTIVE 

Sunday, May 10, 2020

The Flu Epidemic ~~ 1918 - 1919 ~~~ In Utah

Produced by the University of Michigan Center for the History of Medicine and Michigan Publishing, University of Michigan Library

Influenza Encyclopedia

The American Influenza Epidemic of 1918-1919:

A Digital Encyclopedia



While the rest of the nation mobilized to fight influenza in the fall of 1918, Salt Lake City looked like it might be spared from the dreaded epidemic. As September rolled into October, no cases were reported in town. Residents certainly knew of the epidemic raging across the United States, having received regular news of influenza since at least mid-September.1 On September 27, the health commissioner of the Salt Lake, Dr. Samuel G. Paul, told residents that, while influenza was high contagious, it was also readily preventable with just a little care on the part of the public. He warned that the disease was spread through particles released by coughing or sneezing, and that covering your mouth and nose with a handkerchief would greatly reduce the dissemination of the germ. He added that, in the event influenza made its way to Salt Lake City, the Board of Health would take whatever action it thought necessary to fight the epidemic.2
On the afternoon of October 4, the Salt Lake City Board of Health met to discuss the small number of influenza cases that had been discovered in the city and to decide what action to take to try to stop the disease from spreading. The Board believed that there were eight to ten cases, all spread from a family from Wyoming that had come to attend the state fair. The health department had isolated all of the cases. At the state level, Dr. T. B. Beatty, Utah’s health commissioner, ordered physicians to report all cases and to isolate all patients.3 Both Paul and Beatty expected more cases to appear in Salt Lake City and across Utah. Later that day, Beatty requested that town officials in Coalville, some 40 miles northeast of Salt Lake City, close schools and places of public gathering after a dozen influenza cases were discovered there. For the time being, Salt Lake health officials did not feel the situation was serious enough to take action beyond the isolation of cases.4
Within a week, several dozen new cases and a handful of deaths were reported in Salt Lake City. The situation was similar in other communities across Utah, including in nearby Coalville, where even the mayor and his family had fallen ill with influenza.5 State health commissioner and the Utah board of health decided that action was needed, and on October 9 ordered closed all churches and Sunday schools, public schools and universities, theaters, movie houses, public meetings, pool halls, dance halls and private dances, and prohibited public gatherings of all kinds, effective the morning of October 10.6 Utah was shut down.
In Salt Lake City, health officer Paul was upset by the state order. “The general closing order,” he said, “is mere hysteria. There is no occasion whatever for closing down any business, and certainly no good reason whatever for closing the public schools.” He was most bothered by the fact that state officials did not bother to ascertain the situation in Salt Lake City before issuing the order. He believed that children were best left in schools, arguing that they would mingle as much out of school as they would in their classrooms. More effective than the closing order, he argued, would be an order to prohibit funerals (because surviving family members would most likely have had contact with the deceased and would likely have influenza themselves) or an order to keep streetcars well ventilated.7 Paul had not issued either of these two purportedly more effective measures, however.
To prepare for the worst, Red Cross officials hurriedly began renovating Judge Mercy Hospital for emergency use to isolate as many patients as possible. Beatty asked all city hospitals to stop accepting influenza patients as soon as the new hospital was ready, in the hopes of containing all the cases there.8 Red Cross volunteers worked with amazing speed to have the new facility operational in three days, opening the doors for influenza patients on October 13.9
On October 16, military offices at Fort Douglas–located on the outskirts of the city–issued a wholesale quarantine of the military post. To prevent the spread of influenza either into or out of the fort, Captain and post commander J. O’C. Hunt announced that all civilian visitors would be barred from entering the post, and all soldiers prohibited from leaving. Under very strict guidelines, relatives of very sick soldiers–there were several dozen cases among soldiers and University of Utah Student Army Training Corps cadets–would be permitted to enter the base to visit their kin. Delivery wagons and government vehicles would continue to be made, but the number of incomers would be kept to a minimum and their time on the post limited to as short a duration as possible.10
Meanwhile, the epidemic was growing worse among Salt Lake City’s civilian population. Over one hundred new cases of influenza were reported to the city board of health on October 18 alone, among them an increasing number of children and young adults.11 The death toll was also rising.12 Two days later, however, as the daily tally for new cases dropped, health authorities in the city declared that the peak had been reached and that the epidemic would begin to subside over the coming days and weeks.13 In fact, the new cases kept mounting.14 Unable to stem the tide, the Utah board of health discussed a statewide mask order at its meeting on October 25. The belief, or at least hope, was that the wearing of masks would spare Utah towns and cities the incredibly high case and death toll that plagued the East Coast. “No person need fear influenza if the protective gauze mask is worn,” Beatty announced. He even stated that the mask need not fit tightly in order to function, but could simply drape over the nose and mouth. The resolution called for all people in offices, businesses, or public places (except on the street) to wear a mask.15 In the end, the mandatory mask order was not put into effect.
The epidemic in Salt Lake City rolled on, gaining momentum. On October 28, 147 cases and 11 deaths were reported. It was the single highest case tally to date. The local chapter of the Red Cross was swamped with calls for help. Eight of the most urgent calls of the day went unanswered for lack of nurses. 16 As the month came to a close, the epidemic numbers began to look increasingly grim. Over 2,400 cases had been reported since the start of the epidemic, with nearly 130 deaths.17 Beatty and the Utah board of health were at a loss as to how to control the disease. Believing that the latest cases were primarily among family members of patients who were transmitting it to others, they resorted to placarding all houses of influenza patients. Family members and necessary caretakers were to don gauze masks when in the house. Beatty warned that failure to comply with the placarding rules would result in the entire house being placed under quarantine, undoubtedly causing a severe hardship for the family.18
Finally, on the last day of October, authorities believed the city had rounded the bend in the epidemic, although they were quick to discourage false hope in the latest influenza tallies.19 As October gave way to November, the trend held. By November 8, Salt Lake City health commissioner Samuel Paul announced that the emergency hospital would likely be closed soon for lack of new patients. Beatty announced that the closure orders would be lifted in three Utah towns within a few days, hinting that the ban soon would be removed from the entire state as conditions warranted.20 Three days later, on November 11, only twenty-two patients were in the emergency hospital, and Paul ordered that no new patients be admitted there unless the epidemic returned.21 The next day, the hospital was closed and the fourteen remaining patients were either sent home or transferred to regular city hospitals.22 The outlook in Salt Lake City was beginning to shape up for the better.
The Armistice Day celebrations put a kink in the plans, however. Because of the large-scale public gatherings, Beatty was concerned that the epidemic would once again begin to rage. He therefore deferred consideration of re-opening schools in Salt Lake City until the effects of the celebrations on the epidemic could be studied. “There were so many opportunities for close contact in the crowds and among the dancers of Monday” Beatty said on Wednesday, November 13, “that if there is still an active epidemic character to the infection, it will lead to a sharp increase in the number of cases.”23 Sure enough, reports for the following day–125 new cases–indicated a rise. Dr. Paul was less alarmist, arguing that 44 of those cases were not new and that 25 of them were not checked before the statistics were released. Beatty believed caution was the better part of valor, however, and refused to lift the closure order. “We would be taking chances on losing all we have gained through the restrictive measures if we rescinded the closing order at this time,” he announced.24 The closure order was to stay in place for the time being.
School officials were eager to reopen their classrooms. On November 20, Superintendent Ernest Smith announced that, in order to fit the necessary work into the remainder of the school year, all non-essential portions of the curriculum would have to be removed. The school board developed a plan that would approximate a year’s-worth of study and compress it into the time available. As part of this plan, holidays would be shortened but not removed. Smith hoped that the revised curriculum would suffice. He also hoped that all the high school students would return to the classes once schools reopened. The fear was that many had taken the impromptu “vacation” created by the closure order to obtain jobs. Smith hoped that Beatty would allow schools to reopen by November 25.25
That same day, a committee of five businessmen was appointed to help devise measures to combat the epidemic that would be both effective as well as amenable to the business community. The group believed that the isolation of cases would be most effective. 26 It also proposed staggering business hours to prevent crowding in streetcars and shops. Grocers, clothing and department stores, and five-and-dime shops would be regulated, while restaurants, cafes, and drug stores would maintain their normal hours but could not allow crowds to form.27 City and state health officials approved the plan and put it into effect on the morning of November 22. In addition to these staggered business hours, passenger limits were placed on streetcars (75 for large cars, and 50 for small ones), and shops were prohibited from holding or advertising sales. One committee member, annoyed that such measures were required, blamed the public for failing to prevent the spread of the epidemic. “If the public had cooperated with the board of health and followed the suggestions of Dr. Beatty more closely,” he said, “it is likely the epidemic would have been under control before now.”28
Over the course of the next week, as November gave way to December, the epidemic situation in Salt Lake City seemed to improve slowly. Beatty was still cautious and not yet ready to lift the closure orders, however. Instead, the board of health considered issuing a mandatory mask order in the hopes that it would stamp out the disease once and for all. On the evening of November 29, city physicians, Fort Douglas medical officers, city and state health officials, and representatives of the business community met to discuss the possibility of a mask order. The majority of physicians present objected to the use of masks by the general public, arguing that they hand only minor preventive effects at best. A mask order, they believed, would entice people to relax their vigilance, owing to the false sense of security the gauze provided.29 “Even if used intelligently,” Beatty said, “The value of the mask has been considered only relative, and no such as to justify the weakening of the efforts of the health authorities to emphasize and enforce the real and vital measures for the control of the disease.” In the end, the Utah board of health decided against passing a mandatory mask order.30
Instead, authorities relied heavily on quarantining households with influenza cases and on a public vaccination campaign, using both the Leary and Rosenau sera in the hopes that together they would provide protection from influenza and pneumonia. Free inoculation clinics were established across the city, and all residents were urged to get their vaccination.31 As thousands of residents lined up for their vaccinations and as city authorities worked hard to isolate cases and quarantine infected households, and, more important, as the epidemic naturally ebbed, Beatty began to feel more comfortable with the prospect of lifting the closure order.32 On Friday, December 6, the state and city boards of health met and unanimously voted to modify the closure order. Churches would be allowed to reopen on Sunday, and theaters could open for business once again starting on Monday. Schools would remain closed until at least the end of the year, however, and dances and public gatherings were still prohibited.33 The thousand or so workers who had been without unemployment due to the closure order were happy to return to their jobs, and their paychecks.34 Children were undoubtedly happy about their closure remaining in place, but school officials were not. Teachers still needed to be paid, and missed instruction time still needed to be made up. The board of education believed that public schools were less likely to be places of contagion than were theaters and movie houses, and passed a resolution calling on the health department to give preference to reopening schools over theaters and movie houses.35 To placate school officials, theater and movie house managers unanimously voted to exclude children under 14 from their establishments until the schools were reopened.36
As Salt Lake City slowly reopened, other Utah communities moved in the opposite direction. Officials in Ogden, 35 miles north of Salt Lake City, placed the entire town under a form of protective sequestration. All outsiders entering the town from a community where quarantine restrictions were not as strict as in Ogden would be required to present a certificate of good health issued not more than 24 hours prior. Special guards were placed at all the entrance points to the town to check for these certificates and to turn back those who did not possess them.37 Park City, approximately 15 miles southeast of Salt Lake City as the crow flies, barred everyone except soldiers from entering the town; incoming soldiers were placed in quarantine for 48 hours to ensure they were disease-free.38 In surrounding Salt Lake County, where a closure order was still in effect, county officials complained to the governor that the partial reopening of the city placed county residents at risk while also negatively impacting county business interests.39
The number of new cases continued to decline as Christmas approached, with most of them developing in households already under quarantine. Schools were scheduled to reopen on December 26, but that date soon was pushed back to December 30 to provide time for teachers and principals to finalize plans for making up lost instruction time. When they did reopen, an extra hour was added to the school day, taking grammar schools until 4:00 pm and high schools until 3:20 pm for the rest of the school year.40 Teachers were instructed to monitor students for symptoms of influenza and to send sick children home until a school nurse or health official cleared the patient to return to the classroom. Children were required to bring in a report on influenza cases–both past and present–in the household.41 The first day saw better than expected attendance at Salt Lake City schools, with rates as high as 90% in some schools. Officials attributed some of the absences in the high schools to students finding employment during the closure period.42
Salt Lake City continued to see handfuls of influenza cases develop throughout the rest of the winter, although never at the same levels experienced during the fall. Still, health authorities did not relax their guard. At least one physician, a Dr. Openshaw, was arrested for failure to report a case of influenza.43 Despite a significant drop-off of cases in February, the health department continued to quarantine houses each day, well into April. By the end of its epidemic, Salt Lake City experienced a total of 10,268 reported cases, nearly nine percent of its population. Of those who fell ill, 576 residents died as a result of influenza or pneumonia, a case fatality ratio of 5.6 percent.44

NOTES

1 See, for example, “Blue Reports on Influenza,” Salt Lake Tribune, 14 Sept. 1918, 13, and “War Is Begun on Influenza,” Salt Lake Tribune, 20 Sept. 1918, 13.
2 “Influenza Is Readily Prevented, Says Paul,” Salt Lake Tribune, 27 Sept. 1918, 11.
3 “Preparing Here for Spanish Influenza,” Salt Lake Tribune, 4 Oct. 1918, 20.
4 “Disease Appears in Utah Centers,” Salt Lake Tribune, 5 Oct. 1918, 1.
5 “Influenza Claims 63 New Cases Here,” Salt Lake Tribune, 9 Oct. 1918, 16.
6 “Drastic Action Is Taken by Officials,” Salt Lake Tribune, 10 Oct. 1918, 1.
7 “Drastic Action Is Taken by Officials,” Salt Lake Tribune, 10, Oct. 1918, 1.
8 “Hurry Work on Preparing Hospital for Emergency Use,” Salt Lake Tribune, 10 Oct. 1918, 11.
9 “Fifty Towns in Grip of Influenza,” Salt Lake Tribune, 13 Oct. 1918, 24.
10 “Fort Douglas Is Now Quarantined,” Salt Lake Tribune, 17 Oct. 1918, 14.
11 “Influenza Takes Still Firmer Grip,” Salt Lake Tribune, 18 Oct. 1918, 14.
12 “Influenza Spreading in Salt Lake City,” Salt Lake Tribune, 19 Oct. 1918, 14.
13 “Disease at Apex, Doctors Declare,” Salt Lake Tribune, 20 Oct. 1918, 24. On the evening of October 21, Beatty announced that “Spanish influenza in Utah is checked for the time being,” basing his assessment on the stable number of new influenza cases reported to his office from communities across the state for the previous two days. See “Disease Is Checked, Dr. Beatty Reports,” Salt Lake Tribune, 22, Oct. 1918, 16.
14 “Dread Influenza Still Grips Utah, Salt Lake Tribune, 23 Oct. 1918, 14. One hundred and eleven new cases were reported in the city on October 23, and similar numbers were reported for subsequent days. See, for example, “Wearing of Masks Made Mandatory,” Salt Lake Tribune, 26 Oct. 1918, 16.
15 “Wearing of Masks Made Mandatory,” Salt Lake Tribune, 26 Oct. 1918, 16.
16 “Influenza Increases Here; State Improving,” Salt Lake Tribune, 28 Oct. 1918, 1.
17 “Influenza Situation Given at a Glance,” Salt Lake Tribune, 31 Oct. 1918, 16.
18 “Homes of Victims to Be Placarded,” Salt Lake Tribune, 30 Oct. 1918, 16.
19 “Influenza Ravages Show Slow but Steady Decrease,” Salt Lake Tribune, 31 Oct. 1918, 16.
20 “Influenza Now Reported Waning,” Salt Lake Tribune, 8 Nov. 1918, 9.
21 “Influenza Under Control Locally,” Salt Lake Tribune, 11 Nov. 1918, 14.
22 “Four Deaths are Influenza’s Toll,” Salt Lake Tribune, 12 Nov. 1918, 16.
23 “Defer Action on Reopening Order,” Salt Lake Tribune, 13 Nov. 1918, 4.
24 “Lifting of Ban Is Still in Abeyance,” Salt Lake Tribune, 15 Nov. 1918, 15.
25 “Enforced Vacation Worries Teachers,” Salt Lake Tribune, 20 Nov. 1918, 16.
26 “Plan to Put End to Epidemic Here,” Salt Lake Tribune, 20 Nov. 1918, 16.
27 “Plan Drastic Step to Conquer ‘Flu,’” Salt Lake Tribune, 21 Nov. 1918, 8.
28 ‘Flu’ Closing Ban Starting in City,” Salt Lake Tribune, 22 Nov. 1918, 14.
29 “’Flu’ Mask Issue up to Board of Health,” Salt Lake Tribune, 30 Nov. 1918, 1.
30 “Dr. Beatty Makes Plain His Position of Mask Question,” Salt Lake Tribune, 30 Nov. 1918, 9. The Salt Lake County commissioners did, however, make mask use compulsory
31 “Open Inoculation Stations to Stem Progress of ‘Flu,’” Salt Lake Tribune, 1 Dec. 1918, 24. The Leary formula was developed by Dr. Timothy Leary, a bacteriologist at Tufts College Medical School in Boston, using three strains of influenza bacilli. See Timothy Leary, “The Use of Influenza Vaccine in the Present Epidemic,” American Journal of Public Health 8(10):754-755,768.
32 For example, on December 5 alone, 1, 365 residents received their free vaccination, and 67 houses were quarantined, and only one influenza death was reported. See, “But One Flu Death Reported Thursday,” Salt Lake Tribune, 6 Dec. 1918, 16.
33 “Salt Lake Churches Will open Tomorrow,” Salt Lake Tribune, 7 Dec. 1918, 1.
34 “Influenza Rules Will Be Rigidly Enforced,” Salt Lake Tribune, 8 Dec. 1918, 1.
35 “Board Protests School Closing,” Salt Lake Tribune, 11 Dec. 1918, 2.
36 “Exclude All Children from Theaters,” Salt Lake Tribune, 12 Dec. 1918, 9.
37 “Ogden Takes Steps to Restrict Entry; Drastic Rule Made,” Salt Lake Tribune, 8 Dec. 1918, 19.
38 “Decrease in New Flu Cases Noted,” Salt Lake Tribune, 9 Dec. 1918, 12.
39 “New ‘Flu’ Cases Drop to Fifty-Nine,” Salt Lake Tribune, 10 Dec. 1918, 12.
40 “City Schools open on Monday Morning,” Salt Lake Tribune, 24 Dec. 1918, 16.
41 “Teachers Meet for Institute Work,” Salt Lake Tribune, 28 Dec. 1918, 4.
42 “City Schools Open; Attendance Large,” Salt Lake Tribune, 31 Dec. 1918, 5.
43 “Forty-Nine ‘Flu’ Cases Reported in Town,” Salt Lake Tribune, 31 Jan. 1919, 16.
44 “Flu in February Shows Big Decline,” Salt Lake Tribune, 1 March 1919, 16.
The Capitol Theatre (part of the Orpheum chain) at 50 W. 200 S. Street at night, illuminated by hundreds of light bulbs. The Italian Renaissance building was constructed in 1912 and still stands today. The theater was closed - along with all of Salt Lake City's other places of public amusement - for two months during the influenza epidemic.CLICK ON IMAGE FOR GALLERY.The Capitol Theatre (part of the Orpheum chain) at 50 W. 200 S. Street at night, illuminated by hundreds of light bulbs. The Italian Renaissance building was constructed in 1912 and still stands today. The theater was closed – along with all of Salt Lake City's other places of public amusement – for two months during the influenza epidemic.

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Hilda noted the Influenza Epidemic in her book "History of Mt. Pleasant". 


The Influenza epidemic which had been sweeping over the United States, reached Mt. Pleasant in 1918, causing many deaths and much sorrow. Public gatherings were prohibited. Citizens were advised to wear muslin masks in an endeavor to prevent the spread of the dread disease.



Of course in the beginning years, the scholastic offerings were restricted to the lower grades. The first high school class was graduated in 1887 and consisted of two members. There were no further graduates until 1895, when one student was graduated. Classes have been graduated each succeeding year, with the exception of 1900 and 1919. It was in this latter year that the local influenza epidemic made it impossible to continue after the first few weeks in the fall.